Why is US going back to World War II era, approaching automakers to make weapons?

Senior Pentagon officials have held talks with top executives from companies, including General Motors and Ford Motor, about producing weapons and other military supplies, the Wall Street Journal reported, citing people familiar with the discussions.

The preliminary and wide-ranging talks, which started before the war in Iran, come as the Trump administration wants automakers and other American manufacturers to play a larger role in weapons production, the Journal said.

Officials said that American manufacturers might be needed to backstop traditional defence contractors and asked whether the companies could rapidly shift to defence work.

GE Aerospace and vehicle and machinery maker Oshkosh were among the companies involved in the talks with defence officials.

A Pentagon official told the Wall Street Journal on Thursday the US "is committed to rapidly expanding the defence industrial base by leveraging all available commercial solutions and technologies to ensure our warfighters maintain a decisive advantage".

Trump met executives from seven defence contractors in March.

He said that major American defence companies have agreed to quadruple production of advanced weapons.

Why is the US doing it now?

The effort revives comparisons with the Second World War-era industrial conversion, when Detroit’s automakers shifted from civilian car production to tanks, aircraft engines and armoured vehicles, and reflects growing concern in Washington that the traditional defence supply chain may not be sufficient for sustained high-intensity conflict.

This month, Trump also requested a massive $500 billion increase in the military budget to $1.5 trillion amid the US-Israeli war on Iran.

The core driver is strain on US weapons stockpiles.

Large-scale military aid to Ukraine since 2022, combined with the US war on Iran and the sale of weapons to Israel since its war on Gaza, has drawn down inventories faster than traditional defence contractors can replenish them.

The US has provided more than $67 billion in weapons and security assistance to Kiev since 2022. In February this year, the US approved another $185 million sale of military equipment parts to Ukraine.

According to Brown University’s Costs of War Project, the US has also supplied $21.7 billion worth of weaponry to Israel since the start of the Gaza war, and an additional $9.65 to $12.07 billion on wars in Yemen and the wider region sparked by or in support of Israel since October 7 2023.

US weapons deliveries to Israel since October 2023 totalled nearly $4.2 billion by August 2025, according to the Centre for International Policy (CIP), which said the figure excludes approved but undelivered arms.

The Trump administration has also accelerated deliveries to Israel, lifting holds on 2,000-pound Mark 84 and BLU-109 bombs and reinstating the transfer of 20,000 assault rifles previously delayed over concerns they could end up with Illegal Israeli settlers.

Separate from already delivered aid, the Pentagon in January 2025 also notified an additional $8 billion arms sale to Israel, representing a major future commitment not yet fully paid for or delivered, according to CIP.

Last year, a report also said that the Pentagon is urging missile makers to quadruple production amid concerns of a military conflict with China.

What do experts say?

The Brookings Institution analysis underscores that while the US relies heavily on private contractors for over half of its defence spending, the base has atrophied in some areas due to past underinvestment.

Expanding to commercial firms could inject competition and speed, but success depends on clear, sustained demand signals and reforms to acquisition processes.

Tom Karako at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) said the Pentagon’s industrial push will only work if it is backed by guaranteed contracts.

He points out that automakers or industrial firms will not repurpose lines unless the Pentagon provides clear multiyear funding, predictable demand, and procurement guarantees.

Analysts also say the Pentagon’s outreach reflects urgent concern over manufacturing bottlenecks that extend far beyond prime contractors to lower-tier suppliers, where shortages of components, machining capacity and specialised materials can slow weapons output for months.

Cynthia Cook, director of the Defence-Industrial Initiatives Group at the CSIS, has warned that “entire defence supply chains need to be ready to expand production", arguing that surging output is not simply a matter of placing larger orders with major contractors.