French unrest: A symptom of deep-seated racism and institutional failures

French suburbs have exploded in anger on several occasions in the past. Instead of scapegoating immigrants and minorities, it’s time to address the deep fault lines in French society.

A protester holds a placard reading "Did you have a good day Dad? -Yeah, I killed a kid your age" in Bordeaux, south-western France during one of the protests over the shooting of a teenage driver by French police in a Paris suburb. (Philippe Lopez/AFP)
Others

A protester holds a placard reading "Did you have a good day Dad? -Yeah, I killed a kid your age" in Bordeaux, south-western France during one of the protests over the shooting of a teenage driver by French police in a Paris suburb. (Philippe Lopez/AFP)

The recent unrest in France provided a platform for bigoted voices the world over — be it white supremacists in the US and Europe or far-right Hindutva influencers. Social media has been flooded with vitriolic posts, each side accusing immigrants and Muslims of all the ills and shortcomings plaguing French society.

Did protesters in France cross the proverbial red line? Maybe they did, as they vandalised properties and engaged in looting and arson. Is their anger invalid? Not at all.

Considering the trigger — the fatal shooting of 17-year-old Nahel Merzouk by a French police officer in a broad daylight last Tuesday for what appears to be a minor traffic violation — the ongoing unrest appears to be a symptom of a chronic disease: years of systemic racism and class inequality that has divided France into two parts. One part consists of the rich, who happen to be predominately white and are prospering; the other part — the poor and the working class, who are disadvantaged from the get-go — are struggling to survive.

Despite grieving her son’s killing, Merzouk’s mother Mounia has been exuding dignity. She did not hold the entire police force accountable for her son’s murder, but rather placed the responsibility on one individual.

“I don't blame the police; I blame one person: the one who took the life of my son,” Mounia said, adding that the rogue police officer had targeted Nahel based on prejudice, perceiving him as “an Arab face, a little kid, and wanted to take his life.”

But Mounia’s statement wasn’t enough to calm the rising tempers. In the following days, the outrage quickly spread across suburbs near Paris, Lyon, Marseille and Grenoble. Protesters allegedly set numerous government buildings, shops, banks and other properties ablaze.

The French government deployed a police force of 45,000 men and dispatched dozens of armoured vehicles. Within a week, at least 3,000 people were detained.

While bigoted minds pin the blame on immigration and Muslims, misrepresenting the situation to further their divisive agendas, it’s important to look at this unrest in context.

France has exploded in anger several times in the past. In 2005, two teenagers died while hiding in an electric power substation to avoid police identity checks in a northern suburb of Paris, Clichy-sous-Bois. Similar to the current situation, the 2005 protests turned violent, with protesters burning cars and public buildings, and large-scale protests breaking out in 300 cities. France declared a state of emergency.

In 2016, the death of Adama Traore — a Black French man — while in police custody triggered protests against police brutality in France. His case drew comparisons to the George Floyd incident in the United States in 2020, making Traore a symbol in the fight against police brutality in France. The subsequent investigation report in 2021 further revealed the role played by French police in his tragic death.

Rights groups have brought attention to the significant issue of police violence in France, particularly during prominent events such as the 2018 “gilets jaunes” protests, the 2022 Champions League finals and the more recent demonstrations against pension reforms. These incidents have led to calls for action demanding that the government address the problem. Furthermore, France faced criticism at the United Nations during the Labor Day Human Rights Council meeting in Geneva, where concerns were raised about racism and police violence in the country.

Critics within French society have also raised their voices against police violence, with Patrick Baudouin, president of the Human Rights League (LDH), warning about potential risks to civil liberties. The LDH specifically denounced incidents of police violence, citing a demonstration in the town of Sainte-Soline in April as a troubling example. These criticisms highlight the urgent need to address the issue at hand.

Loading...

In 2022, the French national police reported 138 instances of fatal shots fired during incidents of non-compliance, marking an increase from the 157 incidents recorded in 2021. The law allowing the use of firearms was initially enacted to address terrorism and integrated measures introduced after the 2015 Paris attacks and subsequent state of emergency. However, human rights groups have been critical of the law, particularly since 2017, citing concerns over its expansion of the circumstances in which police officers are allowed to employ firearms.

In French suburbs, there is a widespread fear of the police. Academic research highlights that individuals with North African or sub-Saharan African backgrounds often experience unjust targeting through unnecessary identity checks. These findings indicate that people of immigrant origin, particularly of North African and sub-Saharan African backgrounds, have consistently voiced concerns about being unfairly singled out for discriminatory and unnecessary identity checks based on their skin colour or assumed ethnicity, rather than their individual behaviour.

Similarly, a Human Rights Watch report titled "They Talk to Us Like We're Dogs" sheds light on the persistent problem of discriminatory and abusive identity checks carried out by French police. The report specifically highlights the targeting of Black and Arab youths, including children as young as 10, regardless of whether there is any evidence of wrongdoing.

These practices are prevalent in economically disadvantaged neighbourhoods with immigrant populations. Instead of making a sincere attempt to identify potential criminal activity, police work in suburbs has become the demonstration of authority. The report calls for urgent reform of police powers in order to address discrimination and bridge the growing divide between communities and law enforcement.

A nation divided

The political landscape in French society reveals a deepening divide. Certain French police unions have expressed their militant stance, declaring themselves to be "at war" and emphasising the need to enforce calm when confronted with these unruly groups. While this perspective has drawn criticism from left-wing politicians such as Jean-Luc Melenchon of La France Insoumise, it's worth noting that both Zemmour and Marine Le Pen have been warning about the potential for "a civil war" for years.

Meanwhile, a fundraiser titled "Support for the family of the police officer from Nanterre" to help the officer who killed Merzouk has generated over $872,128 (800,000 euros) as of Monday, sparking a new controversy in France.

For a considerable period, France has grappled with social challenges in suburbs, commonly referred to as “banlieues,” with Paris being a focal point. While the capital city itself showcases a romanticised and sometimes exaggerated image, with its historical Haussmann-style landmarks, parks, cafes and upscale shops, the surrounding suburbs are home to a population of over 9 million. They are predominantly inhabited by working-class individuals who reside in towering Soviet-style buildings owned by the state and known as HLM. These neighbourhoods are diverse, with residents and communities usually having ancestral ties to former French colonies in North and West Africa, as well as Sri Lanka and other regions of the world.

Peter Gumbel sheds light on the prevailing culture of elitism in France, which he has witnessed since arriving in Paris in 2002. For instance, the education system promotes intense competition from a young age, reaching its peak in higher education at prestigious institutions known as “grandes ecoles.” Although this system produces a privileged group of successful individuals who enter the ruling class, it leaves the majority feeling disheartened, unmotivated or excluded.

The recent elections in France revealed a significant sociological rift. The division became apparent between the liberal capitalist bloc, consisting of affluent individuals from the worlds of finance, media and education — who supported Macron's economic agenda — and the "angry, worried" bloc. Notably, the far-right movement gained traction, with candidates like Le Pen and Zemmour attracting substantial voter support. In the second round of the presidential race, Le Pen secured nearly 12 million votes, benefiting from the influence of polemicist Eric Zemmour and his persuasive rhetoric.

Emboldened by the situation, the French far-right has been exerting pressure on President Macron to adopt an iron-first policy and crush the protests. Such views are bolstered by conservative news dailies. A recent “poll of the day” conducted by one such news organisation calls for the declaration of the national emergency.

While protests will end eventually, the widespread resentment would continue to smoulder in French suburbs. For France’s working-class population, especially marginalised young men of colour, Merzouk’s killing is yet another symptom of institutional disparity which has led to the militarisation of police and the scapegoating of people trapped in poor and disadvantaged suburbs.

Others

A protester in Paris sits in front of riot police during a demonstration,  which has come in response to the killing of 17-year-old Nahel Merzouk, whose death has revived longstanding grievances about policing and racial profiling in France's low-income and multi-ethnic suburbs. (Emmanuel Dunand/AFP)

Route 6