How gender inequality is fueling China's fertility crisis

There are many theories about why China's population fell for the second year in a row in 2023. But to truly understand the issue, one needs to talk to China's women, says one academic.

A toddler walks with two adults on a street in Beijing on January 17, 2024 (AFP/Pedro Pardo).
AFP

A toddler walks with two adults on a street in Beijing on January 17, 2024 (AFP/Pedro Pardo).

Recently released official statistics from the Chinese government reveal that the country's total population declined in 2023 for the second consecutive year, underscoring an intensification of a much longer trend of declining fertility rates.

It is remarkable that a country which has significantly leveraged demographic dividends for its economic development over the past few decades has swiftly fallen into a low fertility trap.

There is a consensus that China will face increasing challenges due to a shrinking labour force and decreasing consumption, as well as ageing. Yet, opinions diverge on the causes of declining fertility and how to tackle this problem.

Some attribute the declining fertility rates to more immediate factors, such as the high costs and burdens of child-rearing, especially in urban areas. To address this, proposals focusing on maternity compensation and support have been widely discussed and initially piloted at the local level.

AFP

This file photo taken on May 12, 2023 shows a nurse taking care of a newborn baby at a hospital in Taizhou, in China's eastern Jiangsu province (AFP).

Others recognise deeper, macro-level and structural factors behind low fertility rates, such as the significant contribution of the real estate sector to China's economic growth, leading to high housing prices that make childbearing unaffordable for many couples. This perspective serves as a reminder that short-term and targeted measures alone cannot be expected to significantly increase fertility rates.

Meanwhile, some scholars argue that low fertility is linked to gender inequality, noting that Chinese women's reluctance to have children is partly due to the view that their primary responsibility is domestic caregiving. There also exists discrimination in the workplace, particularly against married women of child-bearing age.

These scholars highlight the synergistic effects of gender oppression in both public and private spheres on women's fertility choices, which is a valuable point. However, this perspective is insufficient.

Firstly, it implicitly assumes that women will naturally opt for procreation when conditions are favourable, suggesting that any decision against having children is made with reluctance. Secondly, it fails to consider women's perspectives on gender equality. Namely, that their opposition to inequality might greatly impact their reproductive choices.

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In traditional Confucian culture, women are expected to bear "heirs" for the family. In contemporary China, under Communist Party rule, it is viewed as a woman's duty to contribute to a "high quality" next generation, in line with the state's fertility control policies.

The self-expressions of life stories of many young Chinese women have informed my understanding that women's disinterest in having children is not necessarily negative or reluctant. For at least some of them, choosing not to have children is a deliberate decision made from a place of conscious awareness, serving as a personal and practical strategy against prevailing gender inequality.

In traditional Confucian culture, women are expected to bear "heirs" for the family. In contemporary China, under Communist Party rule, it is viewed as a woman's duty to contribute to a "high quality" next generation, in line with the state's fertility control policies.

The fact that an increasing number of women are opting out in response to the dual pressures of public and private patriarchy over their fertility signifies, more than anything, a growth in women's autonomy, which is indeed a cause for celebration in the first place.

Furthermore, the feminism of young women is leveraging the choice not to have children as its most prominent collective claim. Today, this movement enjoys unprecedented popularity among young Chinese women, despite being a stigmatised and politically maligned concept.

Many of these young individuals are more educated than ever, have access to a broad spectrum of knowledge and information via the internet, and are capable of earning an independent living in urban centres.

They harbour deep frustration with the persistent survival of gender inequality, a sentiment that is nearly impossible to change in the Chinese state. For these women, choosing not to have children becomes an act of resistance, a form of collective, nonviolent noncooperation against the patriarchy.

Nowadays, one can readily find online manifestos by young women with statements like, "not having children ensures our well-being." In a country like China, openly advocating for women not to have children is very controversial and is often met with fierce condemnation, therefore making sharing these views very remarkable.

Still, it's important to recognise that radical young feminists do not represent the views of all women, particularly those who are marginalised by intersectional factors such as class and ethnicity.

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There is no concrete empirical evidence to measure how the spread of feminist consciousness has impacted fertility rates in China. Yet, one study shows that in regions of China where gender equality is lower, women with a heightened awareness of gender equality are more likely to exhibit lower fertility desires.

In China, where women constitute half of the college student population and contribute to over 40 percent of the GDP, economic, political and health disparities between genders have been increasing over the years in comparison to other countries. This growing gap would inevitably impact women's decisions over their lives, making it plausible that some of their choices may defy prevailing societal norms.

Last October, when President Xi Jinping once again delivered his quinquennial address on women's issues, he emphasised the labour and moral role of women in the home from the perspective of the overall interests of the state and society.

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The widespread resentment among women regarding gender inequality is likely to persist and could potentially escalate into a significant challenge for China's future.

He also delicately proposed to "strengthen the guidance of young people's viewpoints on marriage, childbearing, and family." This statement sharply reflects the growing rift between the party-state's perspective on women's domestic roles and reproduction and that of women themselves.

It also reveals the state's lack of authentic initiatives to bridge this divide, relying instead on measures to compel changes in mindset.

I anticipate that as Chinese women present greater reproductive autonomy, China's fertility rate will decline even further. Moreover, the widespread resentment among women regarding gender inequality is likely to persist and could potentially escalate into a significant challenge for China's future.

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