Aysegul DinckanA new report from Austria highlights a sharp rise in anti-Muslim racism, with documented incidents reaching a record high in 2025.
According to the 11th Anti-Muslim Racism Report by the Documentation and Advisory Centre for Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim Racism, 1,684 incidents were recorded last year, up from 1,336 in 2024 and 1,522 in 2023.
As in previous years, most incidents occurred online. Digital platforms accounted for 63.1 percent of all documented cases, while 36.9 percent took place offline.
Although the share of online incidents declined from 74.9 percent in 2024, it remained significantly higher than offline cases.
The nature of the incidents has also shifted.
The category of "spreading hate" now accounts for the majority of documented cases, making up 62.6 percent of all incidents. It is followed by insults (11.3 percent) and unequal treatment (10.5 percent).
This marks a notable change from the previous year's report, in which insults and unequal treatment accounted for a significantly larger share of recorded incidents.
What explains this shift?
According to the report, the rise in hate speech cannot be understood solely as the result of individual acts of prejudice. Instead, it points to the growing influence of political and media narratives that help normalise anti-Muslim rhetoric in public discourse.
Political propaganda—including inflammatory speeches, campaign advertisements, videos and populist television programmes—accounted for 27.1 percent of documented incidents.
The report also found that a substantial share of incidents originated in media content, particularly newspaper articles, television reports and other forms of mainstream news coverage.
Taken together, the figures suggest that public statements and narratives promoted by political actors and media figures play a significant role in shaping anti-Muslim discourse.
According to the report, nearly 60 percent of documented hate speech cases were linked to political or media-related content.
The findings also point to a sharp increase in the category of "spreading hate." Compared with 2024, reported cases in this category rose by 49.3 percent.
This raises an important question: who benefits from the normalisation of anti-Muslim rhetoric, and who is helping to sustain it?
The political factor
Critics argue that the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) has played a central role in making anti-Muslim rhetoric increasingly acceptable in public discourse.
Over the years, the party has incorporated anti-Muslim messaging into its political identity and electoral campaigns.
Slogans such as "Home instead of Islam," and "The West in Christian hands" have featured prominently in FPÖ campaigns and helped shape debates around immigration, identity and belonging.
For critics, these messages do more than mobilise voters. They contribute to a political climate in which anti-Muslim narratives are increasingly framed as legitimate political concerns rather than discriminatory rhetoric.
Like Germany's Alternative for Germany (AfD), the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) has invested heavily in social media, particularly platforms such as TikTok, to reach younger audiences.
Observers note that the party's online strategy relies on highly targeted content designed to maximise visibility and engagement among young users, allowing it to reach audiences often less engaged with traditional political messaging.
One example emerged in Austria's Tyrol region, where an FPÖ-affiliated social media account published videos promoting mass deportations and rhetoric centred on ethnic and cultural purity.
One such video sparked criticism across the political spectrum in the Tyrolean state parliament, drawing condemnation from representatives of multiple parties.
The focus on younger audiences is not accidental. As trust in political institutions declines and dissatisfaction with traditional politics grows, social media has become an increasingly important arena for shaping political attitudes and mobilising support.
Social media and the battle for young voters
Like Germany's Alternative for Germany (AfD), the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) has invested heavily in social media, particularly platforms such as TikTok, to reach younger audiences.
Observers note that the party's online strategy relies on highly targeted content designed to maximise visibility and engagement among young users, allowing it to reach audiences often less engaged with traditional political messaging.
One example emerged in Austria's Tyrol region, where an FPÖ-affiliated social media account published videos promoting mass deportations and rhetoric centred on ethnic and cultural purity.
One such video sparked criticism across the political spectrum in the Tyrolean state parliament, drawing condemnation from representatives of multiple parties.
The focus on younger audiences is not accidental. As trust in political institutions declines and dissatisfaction with traditional politics grows, social media has become an increasingly important arena for shaping political attitudes and mobilising support.
The findings of Democracy Monitor 2025, presented in March 2026, suggest growing disillusionment among Austria's younger generation.
Fewer than half of respondents aged 16 to 26 said they believed the political system functions well, a sharp decline from 69 percent in 2018.
Trust in public institutions has also weakened. Confidence in the federal government stands at 37 percent, while trust in parliament is 41 percent.
Feelings of political representation are even lower, with only 32 percent of respondents saying they feel adequately represented.
These figures point to a widening gap between young people and traditional political institutions.
As trust in established political actors declines, parties that position themselves as challengers to the political mainstream may find a more receptive audience.
Critics argue that the FPÖ has sought to capitalise on this sense of dissatisfaction, using social media to amplify polarising messages and strengthen its appeal among younger voters.
Critics argue that responding to the rise of right-wing populism by adopting its framing risks reinforcing the very narratives it seeks to challenge.
For years, the FPÖ has placed the issue of headscarves at the centre of its political messaging.
Although the recently adopted headscarf ban for girls under 14 was introduced by the current government rather than the FPÖ, critics argue that the debate itself has been shaped by themes long promoted by the party.
As a result, what began as a partisan political issue has increasingly taken on an institutional dimension, with consequences extending beyond parliament and into everyday life.
According to the 2025 annual report by the Documentation Centre on Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim Racism, the number of reported incidents increased in the months following public debate over the headscarf ban.
Even before the measure took effect, the report documented cases in which female students were pressured by teachers to remove their headscarves.
These incidents highlight the complex relationship between political debates, public perceptions and everyday experiences of discrimination.
They also raise questions about how policy discussions can influence social attitudes toward minority communities.
For more than a decade, the Documentation Centre has tracked incidents of anti-Muslim discrimination and hostility across Austria.
Its latest report records 1,684 incidents in 2025, including a fatal attack, an attack on a mosque and numerous cases of harassment and discrimination.
For critics, these developments underscore the broader consequences of normalising anti-Muslim rhetoric in public life.
A way forward
If anti-Muslim racism is becoming more deeply embedded in public discourse, addressing it will require more than simply condemning individual incidents.
One proposal put forward by anti-racism advocates is the adoption of a National Action Plan Against Racism.
Supporters argue that such a framework would provide a clearer institutional response to discrimination and signal that racism has no place in Austrian society.
Equally important is strengthening democratic participation and ensuring that young people feel represented regardless of their background, ethnicity or religion.
At a time when trust in political institutions is declining, fostering inclusion may prove one of the most effective ways to counter polarisation and social division.
The future of any democracy is shaped not only in parliaments but also in schools, communities and digital spaces, where political attitudes are increasingly formed.
The growing influence of social media on public debate has already transformed the political landscape.
The challenge now is whether democratic institutions and mainstream political actors can respond effectively to rising polarisation before it becomes further entrenched in public life.
This story was first published on TRT Deutsch
